Given Africas systematic and theoretic differences from other regions around the world,
and its historic and present day events steeped in conflict - it is easy to lazily assume the
roots of certain trends and terrors that grip the region. This is particularly the case with
Nigeria and the Islamic militant group, Boko Haram, who have been terrorising the nation
since its establishment in 2002.
Nigeria is a historically divided nation its roots of separatism dating back to colonial times
and the citizens heavily divided religious affiliations. The rise of Boko Haram can be easily
affiliated with the many social, economic and political discrepancies that plague country,
all which provide viable arguments for the groups rise to power. This includes the state of
the north of the country in comparison to the highly developed south, where 60% of
people in the north are below the poverty line, and the level of absolute poverty remains
on the increase, regardless of Nigerias GDP growing at 8% per year. Political events over
the past decade have too continued to marginalise the South from the North, in particular
the President Goodluck Johnathan’s re-election in 2011 which left Northerners feeling
disenfranchised and underrepresented in the Nigerian political sphere. Boko Haram’s
prominence could also be at the blame of affiliation to other terrorist and religious
movements across the Islamic world, including Al Qaida, or perhaps the Maitatsine
movement previously seen in Nigeria. Though these are problems which are leading to
Boko Haram’s ethnic revolt and socioeconomic protest are viable justifications for the
groups politics of victimhood, they are so too for the emergence of terrorist organisations
throughout the African continent. When reading about the group, I am left wondering,
what is it about the country that has allowed such a uniquely motivated group to evolve
there as it has? Boko Haram possess a strong hatred for western influence and education
and a type of religious exclusivism so intense it even rejects interpretations of islam
different to their own. I am left to think there must be more fuelling the organisations
ideological framework rooted in grievance and exclusivism, than the problem we see
permeating many African states, not just Nigeria?
For this reason I found it interesting to read Thurston’s article ‘The Disease is Unbelief’:
Boko Haram’s religious and political world view' very interesting as it examined what is
believed to have diverged Boko Haram’s evolution from what we normally see in global
military trends - such as ideologies (particularly ideologies of the north), politics and other
structural factors. I was intrigued by the idea that the anti-western ideas embodied by the
organisation were predominately to do with religious affiliation, an intense commitment to
the word of Islam, rather than solidified hatred in the wake of Nigerias colonial past. I was
unaware of how much of the hatred for western ideas comes purely from its opposition to
the ideas of islam, rather than the examination of its fundamental beliefs in comparison to
its adherence to the fundamental foundations of Nigerian Islamic society.
The intensity and commitment to the belief that Islam provides an inherent framework for
policy making and the duties of the state not only surprised me, but also raised a lot of
questions in my mind about how the Nigerian government could possibly tackle the
growing insurgency of the organisation when its roots are so deeply embedded in
ideology, rather than superficial socioeconomic problems that could be addressed in time
through the actions of state government initiatives. If efforts to take down Boko Haram
are to succeed, Nigeria and the international community will need more than just military
success. A space for political dialogue must be opened up, a place where to quote
American neuroscientist Sam Harris calls ‘a battle of ideas’, can take place within the
muslim community, as we can see that Boko Haram arose from competition within the
muslim community, as well as state grievances. I agree with Thurston when he
recommends engaging a broader range of Nigerian muslim voices into the Northern
regions of Nigeria as this will not only give a better understanding of its fragmented
religious landscape, but also help to transform that landscape for the better.
and its historic and present day events steeped in conflict - it is easy to lazily assume the
roots of certain trends and terrors that grip the region. This is particularly the case with
Nigeria and the Islamic militant group, Boko Haram, who have been terrorising the nation
since its establishment in 2002.
Nigeria is a historically divided nation its roots of separatism dating back to colonial times
and the citizens heavily divided religious affiliations. The rise of Boko Haram can be easily
affiliated with the many social, economic and political discrepancies that plague country,
all which provide viable arguments for the groups rise to power. This includes the state of
the north of the country in comparison to the highly developed south, where 60% of
people in the north are below the poverty line, and the level of absolute poverty remains
on the increase, regardless of Nigerias GDP growing at 8% per year. Political events over
the past decade have too continued to marginalise the South from the North, in particular
the President Goodluck Johnathan’s re-election in 2011 which left Northerners feeling
disenfranchised and underrepresented in the Nigerian political sphere. Boko Haram’s
prominence could also be at the blame of affiliation to other terrorist and religious
movements across the Islamic world, including Al Qaida, or perhaps the Maitatsine
movement previously seen in Nigeria. Though these are problems which are leading to
Boko Haram’s ethnic revolt and socioeconomic protest are viable justifications for the
groups politics of victimhood, they are so too for the emergence of terrorist organisations
throughout the African continent. When reading about the group, I am left wondering,
what is it about the country that has allowed such a uniquely motivated group to evolve
there as it has? Boko Haram possess a strong hatred for western influence and education
and a type of religious exclusivism so intense it even rejects interpretations of islam
different to their own. I am left to think there must be more fuelling the organisations
ideological framework rooted in grievance and exclusivism, than the problem we see
permeating many African states, not just Nigeria?
For this reason I found it interesting to read Thurston’s article ‘The Disease is Unbelief’:
Boko Haram’s religious and political world view' very interesting as it examined what is
believed to have diverged Boko Haram’s evolution from what we normally see in global
military trends - such as ideologies (particularly ideologies of the north), politics and other
structural factors. I was intrigued by the idea that the anti-western ideas embodied by the
organisation were predominately to do with religious affiliation, an intense commitment to
the word of Islam, rather than solidified hatred in the wake of Nigerias colonial past. I was
unaware of how much of the hatred for western ideas comes purely from its opposition to
the ideas of islam, rather than the examination of its fundamental beliefs in comparison to
its adherence to the fundamental foundations of Nigerian Islamic society.
The intensity and commitment to the belief that Islam provides an inherent framework for
policy making and the duties of the state not only surprised me, but also raised a lot of
questions in my mind about how the Nigerian government could possibly tackle the
growing insurgency of the organisation when its roots are so deeply embedded in
ideology, rather than superficial socioeconomic problems that could be addressed in time
through the actions of state government initiatives. If efforts to take down Boko Haram
are to succeed, Nigeria and the international community will need more than just military
success. A space for political dialogue must be opened up, a place where to quote
American neuroscientist Sam Harris calls ‘a battle of ideas’, can take place within the
muslim community, as we can see that Boko Haram arose from competition within the
muslim community, as well as state grievances. I agree with Thurston when he
recommends engaging a broader range of Nigerian muslim voices into the Northern
regions of Nigeria as this will not only give a better understanding of its fragmented
religious landscape, but also help to transform that landscape for the better.
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