We started off
with the question: who are these terrorists groups in Sub-Saharan Africa and
whether they differ from other terrorist groups in Africa? Furthermore, what do these groups have in
common and how do they differ?
First of all it
is important to note which groups are currently active in Africa. I think it is
safe to say that there are five main terrorist groups active in mainly northern
Africa. The first one is Al-Qaeda in the Maghrib, which has been active since
2007 and has its aim to overthrow the Algerian government. During the civil war
in Libya in 2011, they have slowly moved fighters into Libya in order to
establish a base there as well. They cover the area of Algeria, Libya, Mali and
Niger. Then in the Horn of Africa Al-Shabab (2006) is active in Somalia, but
also performs attacks in northern Kenya. The Lord Resistance Army (LRA) is
active in Uganda since 1987, but after fights with government forces they were
forced to move to the DRC, South Sudan and Central African Republic. Furthermore
there is Boko Haram in north Nigeria, but they spread across the lake Chad
region. Lastly we have the Islamic State active in Libya since 2013. This group
also used the chaos in Libya after the oust of Ghadaffy to set foot in the
country.
What four out of
these five groups have in common, is the fact that they are Sunni Islamist,
except the LRA, which preaches a fundamentalist Christian religion. What these
groups furthermore share is their
indiscriminate use of violence against civilians. They all seem to stick to the
idea, if you are not with me, you are against me. This idea, I would argue, is
supported with evidence from the four articles we had to read this week. It is
interesting to note that while the LRA and Boko Haram do not share a common
religion, both of them are quite notorious for their crimes against humanity,
for example by abducting and raping women and forcing children to join their
armies. I am wondering why specifically these two groups are so well known for
their brutality and why they participate in that, especially compared to the
other three, who mainly stick to the ‘conventional’ tactics of terrorism?
I think it was also interesting that we talked
about the mobilisations of the different groups. Dowd and Drury were clear when
comparing the bases of mobilization of
the LRA and Boko Haram. In both cases, grievances and marginalisation of the
northern population were the main motives of the population to join the
different groups. The other Sunni Islam groups mainly draw their support from
actual believers. Take for example Al-Shabaab: being an offshoot of the Islamic
Courts Union which was formed by several sharia courts in Somalia. Al-Shabaab
has remained support from at least some part of the Somali population for over
11 years right now. This has partly to do with the strong tribal structure in
Somali, but also with the fact that people believe in the Al-Shabaab cause.
One comment
coined by my fellow classmate is that he found the term terrorism to be generic.
He mentioned that by not referring to any specific activity, the term who is a terrorist
is a subjective issue. He further stated that it is difficult to link it with a
religious ideology and that it is difficult to call those who feel marginalized
by the government and can, and have no other way then to turn to terrorist
groups, really terrorists. It seemed my colleague meant that because people
cannot rely on government to solve their problems, they have to turn to
terrorism.
My thoughts on
this are the following: first of all I would like to state that although there
is not an official definition on terrorism,
many researchers and even U.N. reports come up with roughly the same
definition: terrorism is an act intended to cause death or serious bodily harm
to civilians or non-combatants with the purpose of intimidating a population or
compelling a government or an international organization to do or abstain from
doing any act. When one applies this broadly accepted definition, it makes it
easy for us to label who is a terrorist, or who is not. I think with this
definition the term is not generic at all, and allows us to not be subjective
about it. Someone in the class mentioned that it is important for ‘marked’
terrorists that it is for them important to control the narrative, for example,
Nelson Mandela turned from terrorist, to a worldly statesman. However, the
tactics that his Umkhonto we Sizwe
used were and would still be labelled as terrorism.
In the case of
Nelson Mandela he fought for anti-apartheid, a goal that over time gained a lot
of international support and followers, hence he came so popular and the
previous actions he had allowed were, I guess, forgotten about or seen as
legitimate? But what we see nowadays, and especially with the Muslim
terrorists, is that they are fighting for something that is globally not
accepted, namely an Islamic state where strict sharia law is implemented. I
think that due to the fact that this is not globally supported, people who join
these groups, for whatever reason, will for always be labelled as terrorist
because they support a, internationally seen, wrong cause. Furthermore, as long
as they use indiscriminate violence against civilians and commit crimes against
humanity, they condemned and labelled terrorist, in order for the international
community to fight them.
Another point we
discussed during the class is the responses of the different governments and
the international community. There will always remain the discussion whether
governments should engage in diplomatic talks with terrorists groups, or engage
them military. I think this topic was really well described in the article of
Lind, Mutahi and Oosterom. They showed the example of Kenya’s military approach
towards the increasing threat of the Al-Shabaab in northern parts of Kenya and argued
how this basically was not directly the effect of external influences, but had mostly
to do with internal influences, namely previous state violence against
marginalized groups. By securitizing the Al-Shabaab threat the government had
been able to adopt new laws and institutions that would further marginalize the
Somalis living in Kenya. What is interesting to note in this case, is that, again,
the state was securitizing the Al-Shabaab threat in order to mobilize more
military personnel in the so called opposition and swing states in the lead up
to the 2017 August elections. During the weeks before the elections, an
operation was launched to bomb the Boni forest in Garissa county, a state that
has been a opposition stronghold.
In Kenya’s case
we see that a military approach towards terrorism can be used to strengthen the
grip of the incumbent government instead of actually dealing with the problem.
Data has shown that Kenya’s military approach has not been able to tackle
Al-Shabaab in Kenya and that Al-Shabaab keeps attacking targets in northern
Kenya. I think that Kenya’s upcoming government, whoever that will lead in the
future, has to come up with a solution for Al-Shabaab, either an effective
military one, or a diplomatic one.
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